On February 3rd the famine in Somalia was declared over. “This is hardly a cause for celebration”. And I couldn’t agree more. If you think about it, the technical definition of famine is more than 2 people or 4 kids under 5 per 10,000 die each day from lack of access to food and water. So people can still be dying, just fewer of them or families can still be experiencing extreme hardship. Even if there isn’t a famine, it doesn’t mean there isn’t a food crisis. We are clearly not ‘in the clear.’
For starters, many people in Somalia and the wider Horn region are still at risk, although the situations in Ethiopia and Kenya are stabilising. Across the Horn of Africa there are still 10.4 people in need. In Somalia, 2.3 million people at risk and 1.4 million people in urgent need of assistance. In order to assist those Somali’s in need there is a new 2012 UN Consolidated Appeal Process (CAP). Albeit revised a few times, it’s actually been in effect since September 2011. Yet somehow, nearly 5 months later in February 2012, the 2012 appeal of $1.4 billion is just 7% funded for Somalia, and just 16% funded for the Horn of Africa. Have we actually forgotten our hard learned lessons so quickly?
There is no doubt that famine could have been prevented if donors had responded sooner. ONE’s Hungry No More campaign stressed that drought is inevitable, but famine is not. We have the early warning systems in place, the calls have gone out, but action once again is too slow.
Hopefully the conference hosted by the UK on February 23rd on Somalia will help write a different tune. Although much of the conference will be dominated by security concerns, there is a platform dedicated to addressing humanitarian issues where David Cameron is expected to highlight the need for continued and sustained momentum. NGOs will also be gathering a few days before to keep up the pressure.
And momentum and pressure are exactly what’s needed. In addition to the on-going crisis in Somalia and the wider Horn region, Africa’s opposite coast is looming under the threat of another food crisis. The situation hasn’t escalated yet, but what are we waiting for? According to TIME, a third of the population in the Sahel – a mainly semi-arid region that stretches across West Africa – are at risk of hunger.
But this is not new. Hunger for many people in West Africa is chronic and occurs each year during the hunger season. This only underscores the need for long-term investments in agriculture – just like the ones that donors promised at the 2009 G8 L’Aquila summit and just like the ones African governments promised to spend on their own populations.
ONE will continue to hold donors accountable to these promises to increase spending on agriculture, food security and nutrition. By heading early warnings of food crises on the rise and making smart investments in long-term solutions, together we can break the cycle of poverty.
There aren’t many sportsmen or women who can claim to have helped end their country’s bloody civil war with a speech. Didier Drogba, however, is not your average sportsman. Three times English Premier League champion, twice African Footballer of the Year and he was even named in TIME Magazine’s Top 100 of 2010. He transcends the game that he excels at. When Drogba speaks, people around the world listen.
In 2005 when Cote d’Ivoire qualified for their first World Cup he addressed his fractured nation: “Ivorians, men and women, from the north and the south, the centre and the west, you’ve seen this. We’ve proved to you that the people of Ivory Coast can live together side by side, play together toward the same goal: qualifying for the World Cup. We promised you this celebration would bring the people together. Now we’re asking you to make this a reality.” The speech was replayed for weeks afterwards as tensions in the country eased. Cote d’Ivoire is certainly not a country now devoid of problems, indeed following a (relatively brief) civil conflict in 2011 following the disputed 2010 presidential election it could be argued that the situation is as delicate as ever.

It is in this sort of climate that figures like Didier Drogba become even more important as those who can transcend politics and divisions within their home countries. The Didier Drogba Foundation, created in 2007, was set up to help provide the people of Cote d’Ivoire with the services they need to improve their quality of life following years of devastating civil war. Focusing on health, the plan is to set up a number of clinics around the country in order to improve provision on the ground, so that more people have access to the vital health care they need. The Foundation is holding its third annual fundraising ball in London in March:
“The troubles in Ivory Coast have affected the population in one way or another. It is important that we bring health care to those in need. The Foundation has received tremendous support so far but we still have a lot of work to do. I hope you will be able to join me that evening to help me accomplish this mission.”
Find out more on the Didier Drogba Foundation website and follow the foundation on twitter at @FondationDrogba
Guest blog post from EG Justice’s Tutu Alicante:
I spend each day of my life fighting corruption. I’ve seen friends beaten and jailed for highlighting fraud and abuse. There are many people like me across Africa. But we can’t win this fight alone. Corruption is a global problem. That’s why I’m writing to ask you to add your voice.
Right now, a few of the world’s biggest oil, gas and mining companies are fighting hard to keep some very big secrets. They are lobbying against proposed laws supported by major European leaders that would lift the lid on trillions of dollars paid to governments across Africa – secret payments which can sometimes get into the wrong hands. This money should be going into vital services like schools, health clinics and roads that could help lift hundreds of millions out of poverty, not into the pockets of a few.
Government ministers from across Europe meet in less than two weeks to discuss this legislation. It could save lives in Africa and help build a future where nobody needs to rely on aid. But some corporate lobbyists have swung into action and are trying to kill this effective legislation. Don’t let them win.
Please stand with me and sign the petition telling European leaders not to give in to corporate lobbying
The full petition reads:
Dear European Leaders,
Please stand up to corporate lobbying against proposed EU laws requiring oil, gas and mining companies to publish payments to foreign governments. Pass strong laws that will help citizens spot corruption and ensure the money is used to lift millions of people out of poverty.
Over the last decade, multinational companies have paid trillions of dollars to African governments in exchange for their natural resources. This is set to continue well into the future, providing a massive opportunity to lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. When African citizens like me can see what our governments are paid, we can make sure money is being spent on vital services.
Corruption deprives nations of their future. If enough of you join with me we can help put an end to this trillion dollar scandal.
Tutu Alicante,
ONE member and Executive Director of EG Justice
EG Justice is an African organization that campaigns for human rights, the rule of law, transparency and citizen participation in Equatorial Guinea.
Guest post from Paul Collier, author of ‘The Plundered Planet: How to Reconcile Prosperity With Nature’ and member of ONE’s Africa Policy Advisory Board.
The ‘resource curse’ is one of the most persistent paradoxes of international development. For decades the natural resources of poor countries have been plundered: the few expropriating what should benefit the many, and the current generation squandering what should also benefit future generations. The current global boom in commodities provides many poor countries with an unprecedented opportunity to escape poverty, yet the default option is for history to repeat itself. One of the most pressing issues in the fight against global poverty is how to prevent this repetition.
Repetition is not inevitable. For example, Germany learnt from hyperinflation. But to avoid a repeat of the resource curse the pressures for plunder must be faced down. Some of the necessary actions must be taken by the governments of resource-rich countries, but we ourselves need to take complementary actions.
Fortunately we are now at a moment of opportunity, and Germany’s support will be crucial. The European Commission has published proposals that would oblige all European extractive industry companies to become more transparent in their operations abroad. If enacted, these companies will have to publish the payments they make to the governments of every country where they operate. The legislation aims to go at least as far as ground-breaking US legislation that was passed in 2010. This means that a global standard for legally binding transparency in the extractive industries is within reach for the first time. The French President is in full support of this initiative. Even Britain, where more extractive companies’ are headquartered than in any other EU-member state, used a G20 finance ministers meeting to express unequivocal backing. It is unsettling that the German government, a champion of extractive transparency in years past, is silent at this historic moment.
The draft disclosure requirements will provide the perfect complement to actions taken within the poor countries themselves. Citizens need the data that would be made available by these companies to better hold their governments accountable for the money they receive for the country’s natural resources. Over 600 civil society organisations worldwide have signed up to the ‘Publish What You Pay’ coalition. Citizens, many of whom have risked arrest to fight embezzlement, will be newly empowered with the tools they need to force positive change. As the Arab Spring so ably demonstrated, ordinary citizens care deeply about transparent and accountable governance.
Of course transparency is only a means to an end. The prize is the better use of huge resource revenues, enabling a dramatic improvement in social and economic development. In 2008 exports of oil, gas and minerals from Africa were worth roughly nine times the value of overseas aid ($393-billion versus $44-billion), creating considerable government income through licences and taxes. In many countries those revenues account for the vast majority of government revenues – more than 80% in the case of Angola. Even if enhanced transparency were only to improve the efficiency of natural resource revenue spending incrementally, it would easily yield more than Germany’s entire aid program for sub-Saharan Africa.
In a time of economic austerity across Europe policies like these which help African governments to mobilise their own resources for development are even more important. Aid budgets are now under pressure. In the long-run, fostering greater reliance on taxes can help develop cohesive states and reduce aid dependency.
The discussions on the detail of the new European legislation are now critical. For the new legislation to effectively empower citizens in situations like this, it needs to include the disclosure of financial information at the project level. Only these disaggregated figures give citizens and local communities the information to hold government accountable. In addition, financial information only at the country level will not help citizens curtail the official under-pricing of national assets, such as the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo where contracts have officially been sold for a sixteenth of the market price – an indication that kick-backs are taking place.
Project-level disclosure is also a way to improve the functioning of the natural resource market and therefore makes good business sense: wide discrepancies in the valuation of assets can be hidden by aggregating data at the country-level. A more efficient market system can operate if this secrecy ends. It is no coincidence that major investors successfully joined hands with civil society to have project –level disclosure included in the ground-breaking US legislation.
The good news is: the current draft of the European Commission includes project-level disclosure and both the French President Sarkozy and the British Premier Cameron support this critical detail.
Germany has been a strong champion for extractive transparency ever since the Heiligendamm G8 summit. This is evidenced by the long-standing support Germany gave to EITI, a voluntary multi-stakeholder transparency initiative that has worked well in resource rich countries that showed the will to improve their transparency. However, it is for those countries which ignore EITI that the new legislation is needed and Germany can reinforce its role as an international leader on extractive transparency by supporting the new law.
But while the German government has indicated its general support for this EU legislation some European partners have noticed that a number of German ministries remain sceptical of the key feature described above: project-level disclosure. In line with its excellent track record on improving extractive transparency, Germany should now endorse the current strong legislation. Improved accountability in the natural resource sector leads to more stability in resource rich countries and better markets – both central aims of the German resource strategy.
We are now at a rare moment: we know that some legislation will be enacted. But as with all legislation, the devil is in the detail. Lobbyists for the interests of continuing plunder and irresponsible business practices are attempting to dilute key features while paying lip-service to noble objectives. If we permit the lobbyists to win we become complicit in frustrating change: remember, the default option is for the current resource booms to be the biggest missed opportunity for poverty reduction in history. Germany needs to decide now whether it is happy to be complicit in frustrating this chance for change or if it wants to join the fight against a repetition of the hugely destructive resource curse.
This post first appeared in the Handelsblatt newspaper.
Mac-Jordan Degadjor is a Ghanaian social media entrepreneur and rising star among global tech bloggers. The 26-year-old recently spoke about the positive effects of social media at the TEDxYouthInspire conference in Ghana’s capital city of Accra and was spotlighted in the Christian Science Monitor’s “Thirty Ideas from People Under 30.” We asked Mac-Jordan to explain why mobile tech advancements are important for Ghana’s economic and social growth.

Why is Ghana ready for a mobile technology boom? Are investors looking to Ghana as a market ready to advance with mobile?
Anytime I’m asked if Ghana is ready for the mobile technology boom, my answer is always YES. In Ghana, there are two major organizations providing locals with the business and technology skills they need to leverage ideas into successful mobile web companies: Meltwater Entrepreneurial School of Technology and Mobile Web Ghana.
New opportunities are showing up that make it possible for low-income economies to leapfrog other countries by adopting technologies that are suitable to their specific circumstances. I’m happy to say that Ghana is taking that bold step in adopting new mobile technologies. Take a critical look at the continent: Africa has more than 110 million Internet users, a number that is poised to grow by 2400 percent in this decade alone.
What about Ghana’s market makes it ready for mobile phone technology? How are smartphones being introduced into the market? Can bandwidth improvements keep up with the technology?
African governments are aggressively developing broadband and information/communications (ICT) policies in order to properly regulate the industry while allowing the market to work its magic. In Ghana, mobile penetration currently stands at 85.5 percent, which means that out of a population of about 25 million, there are 20 million subscribers to at least one of the country’s five active mobile networks (MTN, Vodafone, TiGO, Airtel and Expresso). These days, smartphones are being used in all areas. By 2013, Africa will have 11 undersea cables (including one in Ghana by Glo Mobile), which is likely to result in increased bandwidth and reduced cost to consumers.
From banking to agriculture, mobile technology plays a vital role in the life of the average Ghanaian. Here are two examples of how mobile or smartphones are being used in Ghana:
Esoko is an agricultural market information platform managed on the web and delivered via mobile technology in Ghana and other parts of Africa. Individuals, agri-business, and government agencies use Esoko to collect and send out market data using simple text messaging. By way of SMS, the Esoko platform provides automatic and personalized price alerts to farmers in rural areas.
The Grameen Foundation is also developing and distributing mobile phone-based applications to help the poor better manage their health, through such programs as the Mobile Technology for Community Health (MOTECH) initiative.

How are younger people in Ghana helping to push mobile advancements? As a younger person, why is tech growth so important to you and your circles?
Mobile technology is the future for Africa. In Ghana, the only way to access the Internet among the younger generation is via mobile and smartphones.
The greatest opportunity for growth will come from technological innovation and the adoption of new technologies in service sectors, such as banking, insurance, health, education and agriculture. These growths in technology are very important to me and my networks because they help shape the socioeconomic aspect of our lives and bridge the gap between people in Ghana and those in other parts of the world.

Can you describe some of the apps that could come from tech innovations that would help people in Ghana?
The catalog of mobile applications in Ghana seems to be growing by the day. We have a host of programs including mobile banking, SMS alerts for farmers and agri-business, chat functions, stock market updates and photo-sharing platforms.
When it comes to mobile apps from Africa, there’s been mention of Ushahidi, iCow and Mocality from Kenya, and Ummeli and TXTALert from South Africa. In Ghana, app providers like Nkyea, Esoko, ShopAfrica53, NandiMobile, iWallet – Dream Oval, Retail Tower and Streemio have gained a lot of popularity.
Can you describe the benefits, if any, to government transparency and democracy that mobile tech can bring to Ghana (e.g. promoting accountability, coordinating political events, and inspiring social activism)?
Universal access to affordable information is one area in which mobile technology will be of great importance in Ghana. There is widespread consensus that ICTs offer one solution to this problem, with mobile phones showing particular promise already.
In Ghana, smartphones are more affordable than computers. They require less infrastructure, do not demand much technological knowledge (users do not even have to be literate), and are very durable. With increased use of mobile phones in Ghana, citizen participation in all social aspects of life will be monitored and reported.
As a citizen journalist, the mobile phone serves as a great tool in my reporting and social activism. Bloggers in Ghana will use their mobile phones to monitor and report on the December elections later this year. This will be first time citizens have the chance to play a participatory role in the elections.
Read more from Mac-Jordan Degadjor on his blog or follow him on Twitter. He also writes for the Venture Capital for Africa blog.
In three weeks, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance will enter into force. The Charter was adopted by the African Union (AU) five years ago. Now that fifteen member states have ratified it, the Charter becomes legally binding and operational. Guinea-Bissau, Nigeria and Cameroon were the 13th, 14th and 15th countries to ratify the Charter. Why should we bother about this document? A Charter that was ratified in majority by countries that don’t lead by example in terms of good governance; a Charter that might be just another paper tiger without any teeths; one of a range of legal documents that don’t change anything about the real lives of African citizens?
Not quite.
The African Charter actually doesn’t contain many new elements. But, much more important, it summarizes and reconfirms existing African engagements on good governance that the continent’s leaders have taken over the last thirty years or so. And the Charter takes them a step further, in operationalizing their implementation. So instead of adding to the pile, it tries to rationalize the African good governance architecture and improve its translation into reality.
Though the African Charter doesn’t reinvent the wheel, it still is a leading international convention in terms of good governance. First of all because the principles of the AU, which are enshrined by the Charter, are very far-reaching. For instance the AU has the right to take action in case of an unconstitutional change of government in one of its member states. Second, because the Charter is the only international convention that dares to take up the sensitive issue of democracy, while other treaties prefer sticking to human rights principles or anti-corruption measures.
The African Charter has already proved to be a useful tool. One of the first countries to ratify was Mauritania – just before a coup hit the country. In order to negotiate the return to constitutional order, the AU took the Charter as reference point. At that moment, the Charter was strictly speaking not yet legally applicable because it had not entered into force, but this didn’t matter as Mauritania had endorsed it. As this example suggests, the fact that the Charter has been ratified by some not-so-democratic countries is an encouraging sign, rather than simply a basis for criticism. These are the countries that potentially will need the Charter and in which this legal document could make a difference.
Last but not least, the process of the Charter itself should be acknowledged. After having been adopted by the AU in 2007, only four countries had ratified it after more than four years! So the Charter was at risk of disappearing before even having really entered the stage. The Pan-African Parliament took on this challenge. This Parliament, also called the PAP, is the equivalent of the European Parliament, but with some small differences: the African body has around 50 employees, the EU parliament 6000. The European Union parliamentarians have an official role in decision-making, the African Union parliamentarians are still limited to a consultative role. Knowing its limits, the Parliament partnered with civil society and launched a campaign called “11 before 2011” in order to get to 15 ratifications, the number needed for the Charter to enter into force. It took a lot of lobbying, several regional conferences, a documentary on TV, outreach to student activists in several countries and a year longer than initially planned, but now the campaign has reached its goal. Congratulations! Though this is not where the work ends: now the goal is to have the rest of the 53 AU member states ratify the Charter!
This blog post was first published on the ONE Africa Blog
As our Hungry No More campaign continues, famed musician and trumpeter Hugh Masekela joins us in calling on African leaders to focus investments in their agricultural sectors, which will contribute to growing their economies and reducing extreme poverty.

Hugh Masekela
Hugh’s support couldn’t come at a better time as the African Union Summit begins this week with our Heads of State in Addis Ababa. Now’s the perfect opportunity to continue our campaign and press our leaders to take action. We’ll be presenting your petition and signatures at the AU later this week!
Here’s what Hugh has to say:
Growing up as a musician in South Africa I witnessed first hand the man-made obscenity that was apartheid and used music to protest against injustice.
Apartheid is now consigned to the history books, but another obscenity still exists on our continent. A famine in Somalia that has killed 30,000 children in 3 months.
Yet the current crisis is a man-made disaster that could have been avoided.
As our leaders prepare to meet next week in Ethiopia to attend a critical summit, please join me in signing ONE’s petition:
The petition reads:
Dear African Leaders,
We are haunted by the famine in Somalia that has killed 30,000 children in 3 months. We respectfully request that you help make this the last famine by: 1) supporting delivery of promised emergency aid; 2) increasing effort on peace and security; 3) keeping the long-term promise toward spending 10% of national budgets on agriculture and food security; and 4) doing so transparently, so citizens can ensure this money is well spent.With access to suitable seeds, technologies, and improved connections to markets, small-holder farmers can generate more income, send their children to school, help to keep food prices affordable and help lift their communities out of poverty.
When they meet next week our governments must show real leadership and ensure this is the last famine in Africa.
Please take action now.
Thank you for your support,
Hugh Masekela
Musician and ONE member
Today, world famous footballers from clubs across the world are gathering in Equatorial Guinea for the Africa Cup of Nations – the world’s third most watched football tournament.
Thanks to oil, Equatorial Guinea’s per capita wealth is similar to that of most European countries, yet poverty remains endemic and the vast majority of people can only dream of being able to afford tickets to the games. Many in the country have little or no access to running water, affordable health care or quality education. Nearly one out of every eight children dies before reaching their fifth birthday.
ONE has joined forces with African civil society group EG Justice to call on Europe’s leaders to take swift action to help combat the corruption and misuse of funds that has led to this extreme inequality in Equatorial Guinea. The European Commission has proposed legislation that would require oil, gas, mining and forestry companies to publish all the payments they make to governments – broken down to the level of individual projects – so that they can be held accountable by groups like EG Justice. We’re asking MEPs and member states to fully support these proposals, and ensure that essential aspects like project by project reporting are not watered down in the face of heavy corporate lobbying.
Tutu Alicante, the executive director of EG Justice, said:
“The government of Equatorial Guinea hopes that the recently completed luxury hotels, golf resorts, and shiny monuments will disguise the grinding poverty that dominates the lives of most people in the oil-rich nation. They must not be allowed to get away with this deception.
“Government secrecy allows officials in Equatorial Guinea to spend money according to their whims. The government spent 580 million Euros on Sipopo, a luxury resort with a private golf course. At least 13 presidential palaces have been or are being constructed in ten cities across the country, a rate of one palace for every 54,000 people in this country. This shows a shocking disregard for the needs of the people in Equatorial Guinea.”
We’ve already managed to get some media coverage of the issue in the UK, France and Spain, which will help put the issue on the radar of European leaders. But we’ll be keeping up the pressure until we get the legally binding measures that we need.
Yesterday saw the Observer newspaper in the UK publish a number of great articles about aid and development where ONE’s work was mentioned. We wanted to share our success with you and urge you to get over to their website to check out the coverage for yourself.
The paper’s editor John Mulholland joined Bono and economist Jeffrey Sachs on a recent trip to Ghana. The resulting interview and article addresses the progress being made in countries like Ghana when smart aid is delivered. In the interview Jeff Sachs lays out the “dos and don’ts” of aid giving: “Aid works when it’s practical, when it’s focused, when it’s targeted, when it’s an investment, when it is part of a strategy; and aid does not work when it’s money handed over in an envelope to a friendly ally, especially in a war zone or when it’s a payoff for some other diplomatic support.” And praises the UK’s Department for International Development for their results-based approach to aid. This approach, is mentioned again by paper’s editorial which argues that progress is being made, although we have yet to perfect aid. “Some money is wasted, some is undoubtedly lost to corruption and some aid programmes do not deliver meaningful results. But these are not good enough reasons to abandon foreign aid, any more than the failures of the financial system are reasons to abandon capitalism. Reflect and correct, yes. Abandon, no.”
The article on the trip to Ghana (with the excellent quote “In 10 years Ghana may not need aid” as its headline) touches on the great work done by programmes such as the Global Fund, which ONE campaigners have supported for many years and (RED) continues to fund. The article announces that “By any measure Ghana is a success story”.
The last word is probably best left to Bono, who argues that:
“It’s impossible, I believe, to keep up the scam that brutal, ugly, dumb poverty is something we can live with. That’s a scam. You can’t live with it if you see it. We bring over tough US military guys and US senators to Africa. When they see it up close – you can’t live with it. The only way you can live with it is to lie to yourself and pretend it’s not what people say it is.”
People might not associate rapid technology growth – especially mobile tech growth – with Africa. However, in 2011, Africa experienced a huge growth in tech, especially with mobile technologies. A recent article in The Economist estimates that there are 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, more than in North America or Europe. Africa’s mobile telephone subscriptions are growing at twice the global average and tablet computers are hitting the market. And that growth is expected to continue in 2012 as investors flock to build technologies in Africa.

And this is just the beginning, according to a recent blog post on Afrinnovator. Author Mbwana Alliy offers 12 tech predictions for Africa in 2012 – most of them centring around mobile technologies. In his article, Alliy asserts that smartphones will become cheaper and more available and that mhealth and mobile money technologies will improve. He predicts that mobile broadband roll-out will start to expanding services into rural area, increasing smartphone usage. He also says mobile money will begin to grow outside Kenya and mobile commerce will experience growth as well.
But Alliy also warns that investing in mobile technologies may not be quite so easy. Mobile health projects will expand, but that startups health companies will need to scale quickly in order to survive. Most can survive still as smaller pilot programs. Finally, there will be a rush to invest in mobile tech in Africa, especially as Africa crosses the 700 million mark for mobile users. But, investors may be focused more on infrastructure growth to support all these new technologies.
So what could some of these predictions mean? A recent “Poverty Matters” post from The Guardian cites a GSM Association study that mobile broadband growth could create up to 27 million new jobs and increase GDP per capita by 5.2%, lifting 40 million people out of poverty. Socially, Alliy also points out that social media growth, especially with Facebook and Twitter, could led to disruption in media services and press as demand grows for both services. Tech education and educational partnerships to train local talent will be crucial to keep up with the booming mobile tech market and the billions of people waiting to use more mobile technologies.
The International ONE Blog is a daily log of the anti-poverty movement. The site is operated by ONE staff, with guest contributions from ONE volunteers, members and allies.
The content of each post and each comment represents the views of that author and does not necessarily reflect the views of ONE. ONE does not support or oppose any candidate for elected office, and any post expressing support or opposition for a candidate is not endorsed by ONE.
TAGS: Africa, Agriculture, Food, Food security, Horn of Africa, Hungry No More, ONE